The Sociology of Education in Canada
Wotherspoon, Terry. (2004). 2nd Ed. Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press.
Sociology, which was first used by the French writer Compte in the nineteenth century to read the rapidly changing society after the Industrial revolution, is foremost a study of society and is divided into diverse fields which are determined by the perspective each study takes. Three major perspectives are structural functionalism--focusing on the orderly social structure, like a living organism, thus fundamentally aiming to stablize the structure by identifying and removing harmful elements in the social structure--interpretative analysis--emphasizing a micro level human interactions and social symbols on the basis that the world is socially constructed and the reality exists only through the member's relationship with other members, language, knowledge, etc--and critical sociology--as seen in Marxism and feminism, analyzes fundamental structural inequality of the society and aims to subvert the underlying power to maintain the structure. Taking on the critical approach, the author identifies four subcategories of the analysis that influence education: critical pedagogy, feminist pedagogy, anti-racism education and political economy (pp.1-17).
Theories of educational studies influenced by structural functionalism (Emile Durkheim) (pp. 20-29)
Parson(1959) states that the function of education is social reproduction by developing individuals' capacities for their future role performance [socialization] and providing means to attain higher occupational/social status [allocation]. The assumption of this approach is that the society is hierarchical and meritocratic social order motivate individual and societal advancements. Some in 1960s argue that the social mobility is not attainable to certain students because of their handicapped (p.26) social background, however, this approach remains in the same position that education functions as a means of social reproduction. On the other hand, educational progressivism calls for authoritative intervention for education reform in order to solve those inequality problems. John Dewey (1966), a leader of the educational progressivism, also takes liberal point of view by emphasizing the autonomy of schools from the industrial system and child-centered education practice. [I need to understand his approach better. What's his contribution and limitation?] While struralural functionalism is not explicitly embraced in the field of educational research, the liberal analyses have been well adopted in general among policy makers and researchers. [The author put structural functionalism and liberal analyses together without pretext (p.24), then the liberal analysis was explained within Dewey's theoretical approach. If the liberal analyses stress individual fulfilment and mobility in society, how does Dewey's perspective fit to this paradigm? What are the perspectives of the liberal analyses according to the author?]
Interpretative Analysis of Schooling (Max Weber) (pp. 29-34)
This approach put emphases on schooling processes, such as subtitles in interactions between teachers and students or among students, languages used, and curricula. According to Weber, the schooling process and educational credentials contributes to the rationalization of society, meaning a process that science, knowledge and other elements are systematically used to achieve predetermined objectives. Notably Chicago School of sociology has strong influence in this discipline since 1920 and in 1970s, a new discipline, known as the new sociology of education, emerge to take critical perspectives to find the power relations embedded in school practices and curricula. However, interpretative analyses do not see the power structure beyond school environement where socio-economic status of students impose their school experience.
Critical Analysis (pp.34-48)
Influenced by Marxism and feminism as well as interpretative studies, theories of cultural reproductionism--Pierre Bourdieu, Paul Willis, Basil Bernstien and Michael Apple--stress the ways of specific educational practices contributing to the maintenance of social structure. Bourdieu, whose emphasis was placed on social/cultural assets as well as economic factors, observes that students who have less capital resources are forced to step up their investment once entering academic qualifications (as cited in p. 40). Based upon this approach, Willis and Apple formulated resistance theory, which pays attention to various students' reactions to given oppressive conditions. Emerged from the reconciliation between educational theories and practices, critical pedagogy, represented by Freire, Giroux and McLaran, aims to bring up social and educational transformation by focusing on students' experience in a historical/social context--the discouse of student experience (Giroux & McLaren, 1989, Critical Pedagogy, the State, and Cultural Struggle, as cited on p. 46)--allowing them to produce knowledge through interaction and critical thinking and empower themselves. Nevertheless, the practice integrated in real class environment has seen as problematic. [ Why? It seems to require too much investment of teacher herself.]
Historical/Organizational Dimensions of Canadian Education (pp.53-90)
The initial formal education was led by European missionaries with the intention of replacing the indigenous life style with a new religious or political order. Then the increasing influx of new immigrants and political/economical threats from outside demanded Canada for a public schooling system to establish a new social order by breaking ties with the colonial influence and preserving Canadian identity. Politicians, business people, educated professionals and educators were the leading public school promoters and the school became a center of order and authority of a community and contributed to its operation (pp.59-60). [Why was a private schooling system not promoted then?] The public school which encountered problems with stable financial/moral support and teacher supplies underwent regularization through state intervention, as seen in compulsory attendance, and as a result, both students and teachers were carefully monitored by school authorities (pp.61-64). In the early 20th century, educational progressivism--schools contribute to social progress by allowing students to develop human potentials and personal qualities, and thus subjects in the area of artistic and interpersonal development should be incorporated in the system--challenged the underlying assumption of education as a tool for human capital production and drove a series of reforms afterwards. In spite of the objective of creating democratic learning environment, the education reforms were geared toward forming centralized, bureaucratic, and meritocratic society, as seen in the increasing amalgamation of schools after the WW II. In the process, while community and teachers came to be alienated from their influence on their educational practice, experts, who were specialized in principles of educational management, curriculum planning, pedagogy, etc., took authority in decision-making process (pp.65-66). Influenced by the space war and increasing social welfare of the government, post-secondary education exploded after the WW II. Although more emphasis was given on equitable opportunity in education and post-secondary formal education was widely recognized as a credential mechanism in society in mid 1960s, criticism came from various sources. One is that formal education plays a role of screening mechanism for job entry and social advancement against those who could not reach educational achievement for any reason. Moreover, it was uncommonly noted that credentials from high level of education did not bring expected benefit to all the individuals (67-71). Despite continuing efforts in the recent past decades, education reforms were focused on the system without consideration of social/economical/political factors (p.72). On the ground that schooling is a pubic enterprise and should provide common learning experiences and opportunites, Canadian governments have not widely support private schoolings. However, the growth of private schooling and the involvement of non-governmental organization in education is noted since 1970s. Starting with religious groups, private schoolings are currently expanding under the influence of neo-liberal ideologies and add complexity to the contemporary educational phenomena in Canada. [Why did such strong public education/governmental involvement dominate the education in Canada vs. the U.S.? Because of stronger histories of aboriginal people in Canada?]
The Process of Schooling (pp. 91-124)
The practice of education system characterized with regulation and resistance is examined in four significant types: first, streaming, which refers to constant grouping and categorization for teaching efficiency, contributes to reinforcing inequality in education. While official knowledge determined by a group of people is distributed in class, other forms of knowledge is regarded as unimportant and excluded. Schools are institutions to generate hegemony, domination by consent or ideologies, to the extent that it selected 'official' knowledge is taken for granted and transmitted without questions being posed and that individualism, which emphasizes individual efforts and merits, is promoted as a hidden assumption of education and regarded naturally, thus inhibits other ways of seeing the social structure. Lastly silencing in class becomes prominent at higher grades. Students internalize uncomfortableness they face in class--although the environment is purposefully created with the value of while, male, middle-class orientation--and avoid anticipated difficulties by being in silence. In spite of the hegemonic power permeated in class, some studies focus on students' resistance to the practice of schooling, such as sub-culture, group actions, breaking dress codes, etc. However, this resistance should not be confused with resentment against anti-authority (p. 118; Giroux, 1983; Lynch, 1989; McLaren, 1998) because the resistance becomes meaningful when it is a response to dehumanizing aspects of schooling practice.
The Politics of Teaching (pp.125-156)
Two contradictory trends, professionalization and proletarianization, have noticed in the history of teacher position. While professionalism brought out higher qualification and salaries, proletarianization has also noted in the process of the intensification (Apple, 1986; cited on p.149), increasing workload and deskilling (inability to make decisions and use skills to carry our tasks), resulted from increasing class size and reducing staff. This observation echos the general phenomenon that the increasing credentials from formal education do not necessarily mean workers use the skills at work. Proletarianization and deskilling are characteristic of contemporary labour process (Braverman, 1974; cited on p.148).
Schooling and Work (pp. 157-194)
Since mid-1980s, governments, corporations, think-tanks, and lobby groups have constantly reported education reforms in correspondence to knowledge-based economy and globally competitive economic development (p.159) and this stream has created the ideology--schools do not provide proper training for today's job market--although surveys do not indicate it is a dominant public view (p.161). The importance of formal education in the preparation for job entry has grown only in the 20th century, while the primary purpose of schooling was to keep children off the streets beforehand (p.178). Recent heated debates over failing education reflect the periodic tension between two views--one views schooling should be geared toward more economic considerations and the other oriented to other principles (p.171)--and historically this tension became intense when unemployment increased or job uncertainty originated from occupational restructuring as seen nowadays prevails (pp.173-174). Th volatile job markets press individuals with more educational credentials and this pressure is shown increasing continuing education and notably among those who already have higher education credentials (Livingstone, 1999; cited on p. 181). The author affirms that although schools should improve themselves in the way to approach labor markets, individuals and schools should not be blamed for discrepancies between workers and jobs, thus, a linkage combining factors of individual life experience, education system and job opportunities should be explored (p.193). [It is quite interesting to realize that people who possess higher education tend to attend continuing education more. But is it only because of job security? There should be some other factors, considering the Basics Programs.]
Educational Opportunity and Social Reproduction (pp. 194-241)
Individualistic and structural perspectives are by and large the two trends of viewing social inequality. Social Darwinism -- 'survival of the fittest' introduced by Herbert Spencer -- is an extreme and highly controversial but still influential example of individualist orientation of social inequality. According to this perspective, inequality is necessary to social progress and individual success is determined by their ability and efforts. On the other hand, structuralists approach that inequality is systematically constructed in such a way to create advantage to certain groups of people (pp.197-200), thus look into the ways of inequality being constructed and operated in education systems. Among the various factors that the author explored for patterns of inequalities found in education, regional inequality allows seeing how the state intercepts equality of education in Canada. Traditionally federal-funds contributed to equitable education opportunity in relatively poor provinces and each province and its local districts were freer in their decision-making, however, centralizing fiscal constraints and cuts in federal aids make equal opportunity more difficult in less fortunate regions (p.238). [Interesting to read a neo-liberal influence on education in Canada. How does it affect higher education?]
Contemporary Educational Challenges and Reforms (pp.242-271)
The fundamental of educational debates is explained as contention between property right--individual right governed by market relations and the possession of private property--over personal right--individual right and freedom granted on the basis of citizenship and moral claims (Apple, 2000; Gintis, 1980; cited on p. 244). The ideological aspect of education reforms is emphasized in that an apparent consensus as demonstrated on reports, policy and anecdotes is drawn by business and corporate interests rather than real practice and experience in education (Delhi, 1993; cited on p. 249). Standardized measurements introduced to enhance teaching and learning have been used more to control education process, discipline teachers and appease parents (Smyth & Shacklock, 1998; cited on p. 256). In the process of education reforms, diverse educational choices, such as charter school, voucher system and home schooling, have emerged and spreaded out and generated debates on pros and cons. However, if fundamental issues such as social and economical polarization are ignored, debates over school choice will only confine the discourse of education reforms to marketization and family advantage (p.260).[The author frequently mentions that Canada, compared with its peer countries, shows less evident inequality in using computers and accessing resources at schools. What made this possible? Is it because of stronger state governance over public education? ]
Sociology, which was first used by the French writer Compte in the nineteenth century to read the rapidly changing society after the Industrial revolution, is foremost a study of society and is divided into diverse fields which are determined by the perspective each study takes. Three major perspectives are structural functionalism--focusing on the orderly social structure, like a living organism, thus fundamentally aiming to stablize the structure by identifying and removing harmful elements in the social structure--interpretative analysis--emphasizing a micro level human interactions and social symbols on the basis that the world is socially constructed and the reality exists only through the member's relationship with other members, language, knowledge, etc--and critical sociology--as seen in Marxism and feminism, analyzes fundamental structural inequality of the society and aims to subvert the underlying power to maintain the structure. Taking on the critical approach, the author identifies four subcategories of the analysis that influence education: critical pedagogy, feminist pedagogy, anti-racism education and political economy (pp.1-17).
Theories of educational studies influenced by structural functionalism (Emile Durkheim) (pp. 20-29)
Parson(1959) states that the function of education is social reproduction by developing individuals' capacities for their future role performance [socialization] and providing means to attain higher occupational/social status [allocation]. The assumption of this approach is that the society is hierarchical and meritocratic social order motivate individual and societal advancements. Some in 1960s argue that the social mobility is not attainable to certain students because of their handicapped (p.26) social background, however, this approach remains in the same position that education functions as a means of social reproduction. On the other hand, educational progressivism calls for authoritative intervention for education reform in order to solve those inequality problems. John Dewey (1966), a leader of the educational progressivism, also takes liberal point of view by emphasizing the autonomy of schools from the industrial system and child-centered education practice. [I need to understand his approach better. What's his contribution and limitation?] While struralural functionalism is not explicitly embraced in the field of educational research, the liberal analyses have been well adopted in general among policy makers and researchers. [The author put structural functionalism and liberal analyses together without pretext (p.24), then the liberal analysis was explained within Dewey's theoretical approach. If the liberal analyses stress individual fulfilment and mobility in society, how does Dewey's perspective fit to this paradigm? What are the perspectives of the liberal analyses according to the author?]
Interpretative Analysis of Schooling (Max Weber) (pp. 29-34)
This approach put emphases on schooling processes, such as subtitles in interactions between teachers and students or among students, languages used, and curricula. According to Weber, the schooling process and educational credentials contributes to the rationalization of society, meaning a process that science, knowledge and other elements are systematically used to achieve predetermined objectives. Notably Chicago School of sociology has strong influence in this discipline since 1920 and in 1970s, a new discipline, known as the new sociology of education, emerge to take critical perspectives to find the power relations embedded in school practices and curricula. However, interpretative analyses do not see the power structure beyond school environement where socio-economic status of students impose their school experience.
Critical Analysis (pp.34-48)
Influenced by Marxism and feminism as well as interpretative studies, theories of cultural reproductionism--Pierre Bourdieu, Paul Willis, Basil Bernstien and Michael Apple--stress the ways of specific educational practices contributing to the maintenance of social structure. Bourdieu, whose emphasis was placed on social/cultural assets as well as economic factors, observes that students who have less capital resources are forced to step up their investment once entering academic qualifications (as cited in p. 40). Based upon this approach, Willis and Apple formulated resistance theory, which pays attention to various students' reactions to given oppressive conditions. Emerged from the reconciliation between educational theories and practices, critical pedagogy, represented by Freire, Giroux and McLaran, aims to bring up social and educational transformation by focusing on students' experience in a historical/social context--the discouse of student experience (Giroux & McLaren, 1989, Critical Pedagogy, the State, and Cultural Struggle, as cited on p. 46)--allowing them to produce knowledge through interaction and critical thinking and empower themselves. Nevertheless, the practice integrated in real class environment has seen as problematic. [ Why? It seems to require too much investment of teacher herself.]
Historical/Organizational Dimensions of Canadian Education (pp.53-90)
The initial formal education was led by European missionaries with the intention of replacing the indigenous life style with a new religious or political order. Then the increasing influx of new immigrants and political/economical threats from outside demanded Canada for a public schooling system to establish a new social order by breaking ties with the colonial influence and preserving Canadian identity. Politicians, business people, educated professionals and educators were the leading public school promoters and the school became a center of order and authority of a community and contributed to its operation (pp.59-60). [Why was a private schooling system not promoted then?] The public school which encountered problems with stable financial/moral support and teacher supplies underwent regularization through state intervention, as seen in compulsory attendance, and as a result, both students and teachers were carefully monitored by school authorities (pp.61-64). In the early 20th century, educational progressivism--schools contribute to social progress by allowing students to develop human potentials and personal qualities, and thus subjects in the area of artistic and interpersonal development should be incorporated in the system--challenged the underlying assumption of education as a tool for human capital production and drove a series of reforms afterwards. In spite of the objective of creating democratic learning environment, the education reforms were geared toward forming centralized, bureaucratic, and meritocratic society, as seen in the increasing amalgamation of schools after the WW II. In the process, while community and teachers came to be alienated from their influence on their educational practice, experts, who were specialized in principles of educational management, curriculum planning, pedagogy, etc., took authority in decision-making process (pp.65-66). Influenced by the space war and increasing social welfare of the government, post-secondary education exploded after the WW II. Although more emphasis was given on equitable opportunity in education and post-secondary formal education was widely recognized as a credential mechanism in society in mid 1960s, criticism came from various sources. One is that formal education plays a role of screening mechanism for job entry and social advancement against those who could not reach educational achievement for any reason. Moreover, it was uncommonly noted that credentials from high level of education did not bring expected benefit to all the individuals (67-71). Despite continuing efforts in the recent past decades, education reforms were focused on the system without consideration of social/economical/political factors (p.72). On the ground that schooling is a pubic enterprise and should provide common learning experiences and opportunites, Canadian governments have not widely support private schoolings. However, the growth of private schooling and the involvement of non-governmental organization in education is noted since 1970s. Starting with religious groups, private schoolings are currently expanding under the influence of neo-liberal ideologies and add complexity to the contemporary educational phenomena in Canada. [Why did such strong public education/governmental involvement dominate the education in Canada vs. the U.S.? Because of stronger histories of aboriginal people in Canada?]
The Process of Schooling (pp. 91-124)
The practice of education system characterized with regulation and resistance is examined in four significant types: first, streaming, which refers to constant grouping and categorization for teaching efficiency, contributes to reinforcing inequality in education. While official knowledge determined by a group of people is distributed in class, other forms of knowledge is regarded as unimportant and excluded. Schools are institutions to generate hegemony, domination by consent or ideologies, to the extent that it selected 'official' knowledge is taken for granted and transmitted without questions being posed and that individualism, which emphasizes individual efforts and merits, is promoted as a hidden assumption of education and regarded naturally, thus inhibits other ways of seeing the social structure. Lastly silencing in class becomes prominent at higher grades. Students internalize uncomfortableness they face in class--although the environment is purposefully created with the value of while, male, middle-class orientation--and avoid anticipated difficulties by being in silence. In spite of the hegemonic power permeated in class, some studies focus on students' resistance to the practice of schooling, such as sub-culture, group actions, breaking dress codes, etc. However, this resistance should not be confused with resentment against anti-authority (p. 118; Giroux, 1983; Lynch, 1989; McLaren, 1998) because the resistance becomes meaningful when it is a response to dehumanizing aspects of schooling practice.
The Politics of Teaching (pp.125-156)
Two contradictory trends, professionalization and proletarianization, have noticed in the history of teacher position. While professionalism brought out higher qualification and salaries, proletarianization has also noted in the process of the intensification (Apple, 1986; cited on p.149), increasing workload and deskilling (inability to make decisions and use skills to carry our tasks), resulted from increasing class size and reducing staff. This observation echos the general phenomenon that the increasing credentials from formal education do not necessarily mean workers use the skills at work. Proletarianization and deskilling are characteristic of contemporary labour process (Braverman, 1974; cited on p.148).
Schooling and Work (pp. 157-194)
Since mid-1980s, governments, corporations, think-tanks, and lobby groups have constantly reported education reforms in correspondence to knowledge-based economy and globally competitive economic development (p.159) and this stream has created the ideology--schools do not provide proper training for today's job market--although surveys do not indicate it is a dominant public view (p.161). The importance of formal education in the preparation for job entry has grown only in the 20th century, while the primary purpose of schooling was to keep children off the streets beforehand (p.178). Recent heated debates over failing education reflect the periodic tension between two views--one views schooling should be geared toward more economic considerations and the other oriented to other principles (p.171)--and historically this tension became intense when unemployment increased or job uncertainty originated from occupational restructuring as seen nowadays prevails (pp.173-174). Th volatile job markets press individuals with more educational credentials and this pressure is shown increasing continuing education and notably among those who already have higher education credentials (Livingstone, 1999; cited on p. 181). The author affirms that although schools should improve themselves in the way to approach labor markets, individuals and schools should not be blamed for discrepancies between workers and jobs, thus, a linkage combining factors of individual life experience, education system and job opportunities should be explored (p.193). [It is quite interesting to realize that people who possess higher education tend to attend continuing education more. But is it only because of job security? There should be some other factors, considering the Basics Programs.]
Educational Opportunity and Social Reproduction (pp. 194-241)
Individualistic and structural perspectives are by and large the two trends of viewing social inequality. Social Darwinism -- 'survival of the fittest' introduced by Herbert Spencer -- is an extreme and highly controversial but still influential example of individualist orientation of social inequality. According to this perspective, inequality is necessary to social progress and individual success is determined by their ability and efforts. On the other hand, structuralists approach that inequality is systematically constructed in such a way to create advantage to certain groups of people (pp.197-200), thus look into the ways of inequality being constructed and operated in education systems. Among the various factors that the author explored for patterns of inequalities found in education, regional inequality allows seeing how the state intercepts equality of education in Canada. Traditionally federal-funds contributed to equitable education opportunity in relatively poor provinces and each province and its local districts were freer in their decision-making, however, centralizing fiscal constraints and cuts in federal aids make equal opportunity more difficult in less fortunate regions (p.238). [Interesting to read a neo-liberal influence on education in Canada. How does it affect higher education?]
Contemporary Educational Challenges and Reforms (pp.242-271)
The fundamental of educational debates is explained as contention between property right--individual right governed by market relations and the possession of private property--over personal right--individual right and freedom granted on the basis of citizenship and moral claims (Apple, 2000; Gintis, 1980; cited on p. 244). The ideological aspect of education reforms is emphasized in that an apparent consensus as demonstrated on reports, policy and anecdotes is drawn by business and corporate interests rather than real practice and experience in education (Delhi, 1993; cited on p. 249). Standardized measurements introduced to enhance teaching and learning have been used more to control education process, discipline teachers and appease parents (Smyth & Shacklock, 1998; cited on p. 256). In the process of education reforms, diverse educational choices, such as charter school, voucher system and home schooling, have emerged and spreaded out and generated debates on pros and cons. However, if fundamental issues such as social and economical polarization are ignored, debates over school choice will only confine the discourse of education reforms to marketization and family advantage (p.260).[The author frequently mentions that Canada, compared with its peer countries, shows less evident inequality in using computers and accessing resources at schools. What made this possible? Is it because of stronger state governance over public education? ]
Comments
I get new ideas after referring that post.